a prevailing sentiment within indonesia suggests parental responsibility for a child's sexual orientation. this perspective fueled a recent social media controversy, prompting the padang legal aid institute to issue a strongly worded open letter on april 29.
the letter protested what it deemed a violation of the right to education for lgbt individuals.
while the specific requirement that triggered this protest has since been removed from the relevant website, it signifies a broader, ongoing vulnerability for lgbt students and the wider lgbt community in padang and across west sumatra.
one assertion highlights a perceived lack of acceptance within the minangkabau culture, leading to calls for the removal of all legal protections for lgbt people. this perspective advocates for the widespread adoption of such restrictive regulations throughout the province.
this situation is not an isolated incident in a nation once recognized for its relative acceptance of trans individuals, such as the 'waria' - transgender women often found working as hairdressers, sex workers, or traditional healers.
historically, lgbt individuals experienced a degree of tolerance as long as their presence remained discreet. however, increased visibility has unfortunately exposed them to stigma, hatred, and violence. since the downfall of the military dictator suharto, two contrasting societal trends have become apparent.
on one hand, the persistent proselytizing by salafist groups has become more overt, and conservative muslim parties and militias have gained greater prominence.
concurrently, diverse groups of rights activists have increasingly recognized the interconnectedness of human rights. however, hardline muslim factions have, in many instances, come to dominate public discourse and street-level activism.
hundreds of regionally enacted regulations have emerged, containing discriminatory clauses targeting lgbt people, such as those found in padangpanjang.
notably, even when these regulations contravene national constitutional articles or other existing laws, responsible national authorities have often failed to intervene and retract them. this period has witnessed a surge in homophobic statements from political and religious leaders, reflecting a growing nationalistic sentiment that opens avenues for the denigration of minorities to garner public attention.
the intensified backlash against lgbt individuals, perceived as a threat to the nation, may appear sudden but has developed within a discernible context.
there is a growing inclination by certain factions to enforce moral standards through state mechanisms, a phenomenon less common in indonesia's past. such actions are partly facilitated by existing discriminatory laws and regulations, including a blasphemy law that officially recognizes only six religions, and decrees concerning houses of worship that grant significant leverage to local majority populations over religious minority communities.
aceh, as a special administrative region, enjoys a degree of autonomy from the central government, including a semi-independent legal framework.
among its regulations, a bylaw criminalizes consensual same-sex sexual acts and all forms of extramarital sexual relations ('zina'). it explicitly prohibits sodomy ('liwath') and lesbianism ('musahaqah'), prescribing punishments that can include up to lashes and several months of imprisonment for consensual same-sex sexual conduct.
the enforcement of sharia provisions in aceh is primarily carried out by the municipal sharia police, known as 'wilayatul hisbah' (WH), as well as by neighbors and community members who are empowered by the law to report suspected transgressors.
concerns are often voiced about the behavior and activities of the gay community, perceived as deviating from islamic sharia principles. the WH has actively targeted lgbt individuals in public spaces. some individuals have been subjected to having photographs displayed to them, images that were either captured by WH officers during previous raids and arrests or sourced directly from social media platforms like facebook.
in one instance, a photograph of a close friend led to an inadvertent reaction, which WH officers interpreted as suspicious body language.
as the national climate deteriorated further, lgbt individuals in aceh faced escalating pressure. activists operating outside of aceh facilitated the evacuation of several lgbt human rights defenders from the province.
claims of a rapidly growing lgbt population and accusations of activists corrupting children through social media content reflect widespread misconceptions about lgbt people in indonesia.
while the overarching tone of certain media reports was not unexpected, the specific details they contained highlighted the potential for tangible harm.
by march 20, within a mere two-month span, seventeen officials and government bodies across the country had issued condemnatory statements targeting lgbt people, human rights advocacy for lgbt individuals, or both. in the preceding months, other less prominent statements and actions against lgbt people also occurred.
for example, in november, brawijaya university authorities canceled an lgbt-themed event, citing threats of an attack from unspecified sources. the subsequent series of pronouncements from other high-ranking government officials emboldened hostile groups to act against lgbt people with a perceived sense of impunity.
as one activist from medan remarked, subsequent slurs demonstrated the willingness of officials to exploit the lgbt issue for their own political agendas.
ridwan kamil, the mayor of bandung, initially ordered the FPI (frente pembela islam) to remove banners, but later stated during a press conference that lgbt people should refrain from expressing their identities on social media to avoid government censorship.
as a participant shared with human rights watch, an encounter at a hotel lobby involved three members of the FPI and three police officers.
when questioned about their activities, the participant explained the training module, after which the police requested them to cease their operations. the response was direct: "you have to stop."
on february 7 in surabaya, east java province, health organizations and an entertainment company co-organized an hiv testing awareness event.
however, the police informed the organizers that they could not guarantee protection from potential attacks by extremist groups. subsequently, on february 15, indonesian media reported that vice president jusuf kalla had summoned the UN resident coordinator in jakarta, requesting the cessation of all lgbt-related activities within the country.
fridays have become a source of fear, as some imams reportedly invoke anti-lgbt sentiments during their sermons, leading radical groups to leave prayer services with an increased appetite for aggression.
what once signaled the approaching weekend now often signifies sermons promoting hatred. in february and march, human rights watch conducted over fifty interviews with sexual and gender minorities and lgbt human rights defenders across indonesia, documenting the impact of the widespread anti-lgbt sentiment in, which ranged from direct threats to more subtle forms of harassment.
lgbt human rights activists and employees of non-governmental organizations providing services to lgbt people reported that they had historically experienced sporadic harassment and generally lacked confidence in reporting incidents to the authorities.
however, conditions reportedly worsened significantly in early. the surge in anti-lgbt rhetoric that commenced in january coincided with increased intimidation and threatening events, some of which were directly linked to the heated public discourse.
one activist explained that following a public statement, they received two distinct types of calls: one from individuals issuing threats due to their public profile as an openly gay student and activist, and another from friends reporting unexpected requests for their home address.
a transgender hiv outreach worker in south sulawesi recounted an incident in january where a group of twenty men, claiming affiliation with a fundamentalist group, threatened her for distributing condoms at a popular gathering spot for 'waria'.
she noted this was the first instance of such harassment in over a decade of her work.
a significant demonstration represented years of coalition-building efforts between lgbt groups and their allies, all of whom were subjected to attacks by religious extremists, with the police failing to provide adequate protection.
this collective experience fostered solidarity and facilitated coalition building over time. demonstrators had planned to gather in a downtown area, with the specific location only being announced a few days in advance for their safety, and with prior notification provided to the police on the day of the event.
however, the event's details leaked onto social media, leading militant islamist groups to initiate a campaign of threats and intimidation.
a human rights lawyer who visited the police station reported that approximately fifty people assembled around 3 p.m. on february 23 for the demonstration.
roughly thirty police officers arrived at the scene. as demonstrators attempted to advance, police officers forcibly pushed them back. accounts from witnesses and participants interviewed by human rights watch indicated that some police officers physically assaulted female demonstrators, while male demonstrators reported instances of police using batons in an aggressive manner.
footage broadcast on indonesian television news networks depicted uniformed police officers apprehending demonstrators, dragging them into a circle of other officers, and assaulting them on the ground. the crowd eventually dispersed under police pressure as night fell.
monitors from human rights organizations assisted by checking the surrounding area and ensuring participants could travel home safely, away from potential attackers.
in the week following the demonstration, activists who had participated received calls from unknown individuals demanding information about the organizers.
one activist mentioned that police had visited their NGO office the day after the demonstration, prompting them to remain at home to avoid any contact.
according to activists, in the early morning hours of february 24, just hours after the crackdown on the lgbt solidarity demonstration, a group of seven unidentified men violently attacked a 'waria' as she was walking home in downtown yogyakarta.
shinta, aged 54, established a pesantren (islamic boarding school) in [year] on her family's property.
she disclosed her 'waria' identity to her family at the age of 18 and subsequently began wearing the jilbab (muslim headscarf) and female attire. on the morning of february 18, amid the escalating anti-lgbt rhetoric from indonesian public officials, the fundamentalist group islamic jihadist front (FJI) sent a letter to shinta demanding the closure of her facility.
shinta promptly sought protection at the local police station. the following day, police arrived at the pesantren. thirty minutes later, a group from the FJI arrived and reiterated the demand for closure. by 10 a.m., shinta, accompanied by representatives from the legal aid institute (LBH), went to the police station to file a report regarding the harassment.
a local official advised treating visitors with the same hospitality as a "good javanese person welcomes guests." in the evening of february 24, shinta, along with three other 'warias' from the pesantren, attended a scheduled meeting at the local community hall.
during the meeting, shinta shared her personal story, explaining how islamic principles could be applied to 'waria' individuals.
shinta was deeply affected by the outcome but, prioritizing her safety and that of her constituents, decided to comply with the prevailing decision.
the closure of the pesantren represented a significant setback for the marginalized 'waria' community. she expressed feelings of profound loss, stating, "i feel so lost now. the government and extremist groups play their political games and control our lives—these political games ruin our lives.
only god knows who we really are in our souls. i feel like a dog. police and government should protect us—not participate in this."
the newfound volatility in meant that public visibility became an extreme risk. activists worked to conceal their identities and those of their constituents.
individuals who had disclosed their sexual orientation or gender identity to family or community members experienced heightened harassment in their private lives, with some relocating for safety. in one instance, a lesbian couple faced harassment within their home. human rights watch interviewed three individuals in medan who detailed the events.
in mid-february, a group of men from an unspecified religious group intimidated the couple who shared a rented room. after issuing further insults and threats, the men departed. activists discussed the incident with human rights NGOs in medan later that week, but were advised against reporting it to the police for fear of escalating police scrutiny.
a 'waria' in south sulawesi informed human rights watch that on february 15, a group of unidentified men threw stones at 'warias' in a public space within a city in south sulawesi, a location known for informal gatherings among the 'waria' community.
almost all lgbt individuals interviewed by human rights watch described intensified harassment within their communities, including in places and situations where they had previously felt safe and supported. for young lesbians, this has translated into pressure for early marriages to men, a shift from previous societal norms.
the increasingly heated public discourse surrounding lgbt issues has provided individuals with both a new, vitriolic vocabulary and the social license to employ it.
since the widespread anti-lgbt rhetoric emerged, individuals no longer feel protected. some interviewees expressed that the hostility has instilled greater fear, leading them to be more discreet in their public appearance and conversations.
the heightened harassment and incidents of violence against lgbt people following anti-lgbt statements by public officials were significant.
however, this was not the sole impact. two government-appointed commissions issued misinformed and discriminatory statements, while several religious and professional associations called for the criminalization of lgbt lives and lgbt-related human rights activism.
government agencies responsible for rights protection and promotion remained silent rather than opposing these developments.
on february 16, dr. [name withheld] of the faculty of medicine at the university of [name withheld] reportedly stated that "homosexuality is a mental disorder." on march 24, dr.
[name withheld], a psychiatrist from the ministry of health, reportedly echoed similar sentiments. according to a march 24 jakarta post report, minister of health nila moeloek stated she would investigate dr. [name withheld]. however, during a meeting with human rights watch on april 12, the minister denied any knowledge of dr.
[name withheld]'s statements.
international mental health organizations and a growing number of national mental health professional associations globally have established non-discrimination policies regarding the treatment of lgbt people. there is no credible scientific evidence to support the notion that innate sexual orientation can be altered.
furthermore, so-called "treatments" for homosexuality can foster an environment where prejudice and discrimination flourish and can potentially cause harm.
the affirmation of these beliefs by mental health officials had an almost immediate negative impact.
as an activist in makassar told human rights watch, "they are not only creating hateful information about us, but also blocking even our own access to information about ourselves." the law does not clearly define who would be responsible for determining competence in such matters.
in a previous report, human rights watch documented numerous cases of individuals with psychosocial disabilities in indonesia being shackled or confined against their will in government-run facilities.
the lgbt movement is perceived as a potential threat to indonesia's marriage law, which does not recognize same-sex marriage.
the nahdlatul ulama (nu), claiming over 50 million members, has evolved since its establishment in 1926 into an unparalleled civil, political, and religious force in indonesia. it operates formal governance structures at various administrative levels and oversees numerous pesantren, alongside institutes in healthcare, education, economics, and law.
the nu has, for instance, not supported the ahmadiyah, a persecuted religious minority, and its political influence was considered a significant factor in the anti-ahmadiyah decree issued by the government in.
the nu serves as a guiding influence not only in religious practice but also in civil society activism, socioeconomic development, and policymaking. consequently, it occupies a unique position from which to disseminate its stated ideology of tolerance and social justice—or, as indicated by its statement on lgbt people and activism on february 22, the opposite.
as previously explained, the nu wields considerable political influence within indonesia.